Andi Subhan Husain
Introduction
One of the greatest and most brutal wars in modern history has been cantered on the state of Palestine. Given that it won its freedom from colonialism after a long war, Indonesia has consistently demonstrated its support for Palestine. The same history of colonialism and imperialism that connects Indonesia and Palestine. There is a strong bond and sense of solidarity between the Palestinian struggle and Indonesia’s own journey towards independence. Franklin B. Weinstein (2007) in “Indonesian Foreign Policy and the Dilemma of Dependence: From Sukarno to Soeharto” mentioned that under Sukarno’s leadership, Indonesia publicly supported the Arab states in their struggle with Israel. Indonesia even banned Israel from participating at the 1962 Asian Games in Jakarta, which caused an intense dispute with the International Olympic Committee. Sukarno noticed Israel as the outpost of Western imperialism in Asia and Africa. Indonesia’s staunch support for Palestine is mandated by its 1945 Constitution. Its preamble, inter alia, says that “independence is the right of all nations, therefore colonialism in the world must be abolished” (Rachmianto 2019) and the aim of the Indonesian state “to participate in carrying out world order based on independence lasting peace and social justice”.
Janet Abu-Lughod’s (1989) “Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250-1350” offers an interesting perspective on the economic and cultural world system prior to the development of European colonialism. Abu-Lughod’s study is critical to understanding the historical context of Indonesia’s interactions with the Middle East, particularly Palestine. Janet describes a medieval world in which trade routes and cultural exchanges linked places like Indonesia and the Middle East. During this time, the Islamic world emerged as a major cultural and economic force, which had an impact on Indonesia’s assimilation into the Islamic world. These trade routes contributed to the growth of Indonesia’s national character by facilitating not only commercial interaction but also the dissemination of ideologies and religious beliefs.
Indonesia’s foreign policy towards the Middle East, particularly regarding Israel and Palestine, has historically been defined by consistent support for the Arab and Palestinian cause against Israel. This stance, primarily characterized by a refusal to recognize Israel, aligns with Indonesia’s broader opposition to colonialism and foreign domination, as highlighted by President Suharto in 1987. The country’s support for Palestinian self-determination is rooted in principles of justice central to Indonesian foreign policy, rather than solely on shared religious ties. This approach reflects Indonesia’s stance against Israel’s occupation of Arab territories and its support for the Palestinian right to establish their own state (Sukma 2003). According to the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia actively opposed colonialism and imperialism at the governmental and social levels. This includes the country’s stance of not establishing diplomatic ties with Israel. The study analyses this conduct. Provides comprehensive insights into Indonesia’s diplomatic strategies, including its advocacy for UN Security Council reforms and its approach to raising global awareness about the Palestinian issue.
Cultural Dynamics in Foreign Policy
Huntington’s theory, often referred to as the “Clash of Civilizations” thesis, posits that future conflicts and tensions on a global scale will primarily be driven by cultural and civilizational differences rather than ideological or economic factors. This perspective emphasizes the significance of cultural identities in shaping the patterns of international relations and global conflicts. Huntington argues that the world is divided into distinct cultural entities or civilizations, and the interactions among these entities, often marked by discord and misunderstanding, will be the primary source of global conflict (Huntington 1996). Indonesia, with its unique position as a Muslim-majority country and the world’s third largest democracy, cannot be denied in using its cultural identity to build understanding and solidarity on the Palestinian issue. This approach aligns with Huntington’s thesis that civilization influences global politics. Indonesia’s participation in international forums, holding conferences, and assisting pro-Palestinian NGOs can all be viewed as efforts to bridge the civilization divide and promote a more diverse perspective of the Palestinian dilemma.
According to Valerie M. Hudson and Benjamin S. Day (2020), a society’s collective self-concept and perspective of others have a crucial role in determining foreign policy decisions. This viewpoint highlights how interactions in the field of foreign policy are significantly influenced by the fundamental cultural values that are actively and widely adopted by the majority of the population. In turn, these exchanges are heavily influenced by the identities of the various groupings, demonstrating an in-depth awareness of ‘Who we are’ as a community in connection to ‘Who they are,’ the other entities or groups. This framework, which has its roots in the identity-based dynamics of the society, serves as the foundation for the strategy and mode of operation of foreign policy (Hudson and Day 2020). These ideas may be used to examine Indonesia’s foreign policy initiatives in light of its contribution to raising international awareness of the Palestinian crisis. In particular, Indonesia’s support for the Palestinian cause can be understood through the document’s insights into how national identity and cultural issues influence foreign policy. It is possible to view Indonesia’s strategy as an embodiment of the ideas and concepts covered in the text because it combines pragmatic concerns with a blend of cultural, religious, and historical connections. This covers the influence of public opinion and domestic politics on foreign policy decisions, as well as how Indonesia positions itself internationally in light of these considerations.
From the perspective of culture, Arabs and Israelis’ interactions are influenced by their self-identities and mutual different points of view. Each nation’s history of culture influences its foreign policy strategies, particularly in the struggle for Jerusalem, or Al-Quds. This city has profound cultural and religious significance for both groups: for Muslims (Arab and non-Arab), it is the Noble Sanctuary or Haram al-Sharif, which is associated with the Prophet Muhammad’s Isra and Mi’raj; for Israelis, it is the Temple Mount, which is thought to be the location of Solomon’s Temple. These deeply ingrained cultural and theological ties to Jerusalem add to the complexity and difficulties in settling the Arab-Israeli issue (Bickerton and Klausner 2016). Indonesian culture is distinguished by its cultural diversity, which includes a variety of religions, ethnolinguistic groups, and races. This diversity is reflected in the numerous regional and local types of communalism that exist across the country (Brown 1994). Within the Muslim population in Indonesia, where the majority (about 85%) practice Islam, there is a noticeable divide. While the ‘abangan’ are less conventional and more significantly influenced by Hindu traditions that predate the establishment of Islam in the region, the ‘Santri’[1] section is renowned for its strong adherence to Islamic principles (Geertz 1960). The Indonesian ‘Santri’ community is further divided into two subgroups: modernist Muslims, who mainly support Muhammadiyah, and traditionalist Muslims, who are frequently affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). On the other hand, the majority of Javanese people are classified as “Abangan,” which reflects a less traditional understanding of Islam. The outcomes of general elections held in Java since 1955, when Islamic parties have continuously underperformed, demonstrate this distinction (Feith 1971).
Indonesia’s Diplomatic Strategy in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Throughout its history, Indonesia has remained a steadfast supporter of the Palestinian cause, a stance that has been evident since the time of President Soekarno. This support is prominently displayed in various international arenas, including the United Nations. Within the domestic political landscape of Indonesia, there is a prevalent sentiment that favors the Palestinian cause and demonstrates a general aversion towards Israel. This sentiment reflects Indonesia’s consistent and enduring position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Lukens-bull and Woodward 2011). In mid-1972, Indonesian Foreign Minister Malik travelled to several Middle Eastern capitals to counter the “mistaken impression” among Arabs that Indonesia’s support for them had weakened. Meanwhile Malik agreed that Israel should withdraw from all occupied territories and restore the “legitimate right of the Palestinian people”, he added that the Arab nations must be realistic enough to recognize “the existing situation.” In late 1973 a newspaper reflecting the views of irresponsible military leaders urged serious consideration of a settlement that would take into account the interests of both sides, recognizing Israel’s “right to exist” and suggesting “little change” on the border before 1967 (Weinstein 2007). This perspective indicated a nuanced approach in Indonesian foreign policy towards the Middle East conflict.
President Joko Widodo reaffirmed Indonesia’s enduring commitment to the Palestinian cause, emphasizing the nation’s solidarity with Palestine in its quest for independence. He highlighted this stance while overseeing the dispatch of additional humanitarian assistance to the Gaza region, declaring, “I restate our unwavering support for Palestine’s struggle. Indonesia will persist in its role as a staunch ally to the Palestinian nation in their pursuit of freedom.” This statement underscores Indonesia’s continuous dedication to aiding the Palestinian people amidst their ongoing conflict (Yashinta D 2023). The Indonesian President highlighted that the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) had tasked Indonesia with spearheading initiatives to cease hostilities in Gaza, a mandate established during the Joint Arab Islamic Extraordinary Summit held in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Pursuing this mandate, President Joko Widodo promptly engaged with US President Joe Biden, urging his support to end the conflict in Gaza during their meeting in Washington D.C. In parallel, Indonesia’s Foreign Affairs Minister Retno Marsudi was dispatched to Beijing, aiming to gather support from the People’s Republic of China in backing this cause. This multi-faceted diplomatic approach underscores Indonesia’s active role in seeking resolution and support for the Gaza situation on the global stage (Yashinta D 2023).
Indonesia has called on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to urgently intervene in the escalating Israel-Palestine conflict in Gaza, emphasizing the urgency of resolving the humanitarian crisis there. The country criticizes the inaction of the UNSC and condemns Israel’s aggressive actions towards Gaza’s civilians. During a high-level UNSC debate on the Middle East, Indonesia’s Foreign Minister highlighted the Council’s responsibility to uphold peace and security and to cease backing any party that prolongs the war. The Minister stressed the necessity for the UNSC to respond actively to the ongoing humanitarian violations in Palestine, including attacks on essential services and the forced displacement of Gaza residents. Indonesia’s appeal includes a call for a ceasefire, provision of humanitarian aid, release of civilians, and an end to Israel’s illegal occupation (Affairs 2023).
United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334 was aimed at resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by addressing key issues like the annexation and relocation of Israeli settlements, and the transfer of Palestinian populations. Its main objective was to de-escalate tensions and promote peace in the region, thereby impacting individual safety. This resolution aligns with the human security approach by insisting on adherence to international humanitarian law and various international agreements to protect the financial, nutritional, medical, educational, and political rights of citizens. Despite these intentions, the implementation faced challenges, including instances of non-compliance by Israel (Putra, Persadha, and Suhardi 2024). Indonesia is committed to fulfilling its constitutional obligation to actively support the principle that all nations have the right to independence and to oppose colonialism as it contradicts the principles of humanity and justice. This stance is evident in its engagement with the United Nations Security Council, where Indonesia consistently opposes any form of colonialism, including the conflict between Israel and Palestine.
Conclusion
Indonesia’s diplomatic approach to the Palestinian issue is complex, combining international diplomacy with its rich historical significance and constitutional commitments. The nation’s strategy, which has its foundation in its historical and cultural background, demonstrates its dedication to anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist principles. This position respects the principles of the 1945 Constitution, but it also aligns with Indonesia’s overarching goal of preserving peaceful relations with other countries, especially given the unstable political environment in the Middle East.
Furthermore, Indonesia’s role extends beyond mere political advocacy, as it actively seeks to bridge cultural and civilizational divides. Its efforts in the UN Security Council and various international platforms underscore its dedication to elevating the Palestinian issue in global consciousness. This strategy not only highlights Indonesia’s diplomatic acumen but also underscores the importance of cultural understanding and mutual respect in resolving long-standing international conflicts. Through these endeavors, Indonesia continues to assert its position as a significant player in global diplomacy, guided by its unique national ethos and commitment to international peace and justice.
Andi Subhan Husain, recognized as the top thesis writer at Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia, for his work on “China’s Soft Power and Investment in the Middle East.” He also holds a Bachelor of Laws from King Saud University’s College of Law and Political Science, Saudi Arabia. Recently, he has been appointed as a Visiting Researcher at Graduate Institute of International Politics, National Chung Hsing University, Taiwan
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[1] In Indonesia, santri is a term for someone who follows Islamic religious education in pesantren (Islamic boarding schools).
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